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Achieving Peace in Nigeria
We do not need to convince anybody that the series of religious crises witnessed in many Nigerian cities in the last two decades, especially in the Northern states, was not only unhelpful to Nigeria’s socio-economic development but very injurious to Muslim – Christian relations. These crises significantly undermined the basis of our collective existence that took generations, and in some instances, centuries to build and nurture; and resulted in massive loss in human life and material resources, which no society could ill-afford
But it is also a view I strongly hold that these unfortunate incidents have neither the social base nor the religious justification in Nigerian society. Many families, especially in the South-West and the North Central zones, harbour members of different religious affiliations who had co-existed and continue to co-exist in peace and harmony.
Most importantly, Jesus [AS] also occupies a special place in Islamic Doctrine and Eschatology and one cannot be a true Muslim without believing in the Prophet-hood of Isa [AS]. The permission granted to Muslims to marry from the Ahl al-kitab [People of the Book] and to partake of their food, are further proofs of Islam’s goal in establishing harmonious Muslim – Christian relations based on toleration and mutual respect.
Religion and conflict
It is worth pointing out that conflict between Muslims and Christians was, until very recently, a rare occurrence in Nigeria. The dominant form of conflict was of a communal nature, involving clashes over farmlands and the use of other natural resources.
It took the involvement of state and local authorities and the intervention of traditional rulers to re-establish communal property rights and to broker lasting peace. This form of conflict also covers the perennial clashes between cattle nomads, especially the Fulanis, and sedentary farmers, who could belong to Hausa, Fulani or other ethnic groups and could be Muslim or non-Muslim.
In the South-West and the South-East zones of the country, communal clashes also constitute the dominant form of conflict. These clashes may, however, assume regional and religious dimensions when they involve Northerners resident in these areas as witnessed in the Shagamu, Aba and Onitsha riots of the past few years.
The other dominant form of conflict in Nigeria and especially in the Northern states had been intra-religious, based on doctrinal and other differences which led to some clashes between the adherents of the different sects, some of them resulting in loss of life and property.
Conflicts within Sufi [mystic] groups and between them and the Salafi (Islamic traditionalist-reformist) movement fall into this category. From 1980, the Maitatsine Riots also became a worrisome phenomenon in northern cities. This shadowy group, avowedly anti-modern, struck at Kano, in the North-West, in December of the same year leaving behind over four thousand persons dead
In 1982, they rioted in Maiduguri and two years later, in Yola , all in the North-East, leaving another trail of casualties, which is almost entirely Muslim. It could be said that serious Muslim-Christian conflict, with pan-regional implications, came to the fore only in the late 1980s and early 1990s with the Kafanchan and Zangon Kataf religious crises, both located in the southern part of Kaduna State, in the North-West of Nigeria.
These two incidents led to massive loss of life, Muslim as well as Christian, and introduced the ominous practice of church and mosque burning.
What caused this major transformation in the nature of religious conflict in Nigeria?
In the numerous conferences and researches which usually follow these unfortunate incidents, our attention is usually drawn to several pertinent issues. Firstly, there was the issue of growing religious activity and consciousness in Nigeria, especially during the last two decades of the 20th Century.
The proliferation of mosques and churches in almost all our urban centres and the intensification of mass religious activities, facilitated by ease of mobility and mobilisation, helped to bring the issue of religious identity and exclusivity into sharp focus.
Secondly, there are indications to suggest that the transformation in the nature of religious conflict in Nigeria coincided with the period of intense polarization within both the military and civilian elite, who were keen to stake out constituencies and establish relevance in their local communities. This development seriously exacerbated the indigene/settler issue and contributed to growing religious animosity within the affected communities.
Thirdly, attention has also been drawn to the fact that many of these religious conflicts either coincided or came after intense debate over religious matters, which polarised the nation. Nigeria’s membership in the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) generated sufficient controversy in the late 1980s and early 1990s as to engender a negative atmosphere for Muslim – Christian relations in the country.
The Shari’a debates of 1999 – 2002 were equally as rancorous.
Last but not the least, has been the rise of poverty especially in urban areas and the frustrations associated with this phenomenon among the youth, who took advantage of and hijacked these crises to perpetrate arson and plunder not as an expression of religious piety but as a revenge on a society which took little pity in their economic plight.
But cogent as these explanations could be, they cannot absolve Nigerians from the burden of moral responsibility or lessen that burden in any way. Otherwise, how do we reconcile the rise in religious activity, the proliferation of mosques and churches and the aggressive display of religious piety with the readiness with which we pounce on our neighbours and townsmen, maiming and killing without any sense of revulsion?
What has happened to the religious virtues of compassion, love, honour and respect for thy neighbour and indeed, the religious sanctity of life and property of a fellow human being? How can a society function and thrive where a person pays no deference to higher authority or judicial institutions but mobilizes his compatriots to wreck havoc on the community?
These are some of the questions which are worrisome enough to prick the conscience of every Nigerian and to make everyone in the position of leadership to accord peace-building and religious harmony the attention they so urgently deserve.
CHALLENGES
As I reflect upon these questions and the moral dilemmas they engender, I cannot avoid coming to the conclusion that the first challenge we need to take up is the revamping of our value system and the imperative of moral regeneration of the nation. We must build a national consensus on the kind of values we wish to inculcate in our younger generations and popularise in the larger society and work collectively and assiduously to realize them.
I am glad that President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua had, since his assumption of power, recognized the strategic importance of this undertaking and had pledged the commitment of the Federal Government to its realisation. Unlike previous campaigns emphasizing form and procedure, we should focus, this time around, on personal and community values which would sustain our mutual co-existence and promote tolerance and understanding.
The second challenge, which must be addressed earnestly, is building sturdy bridges of understanding between Islam and Christianity and between Muslim and Christian communities in Nigeria.
Inter-religious dialogue should be serious and sustained and should be handled not by religious entrepreneurs who subsist on these ventures, but by the apex religious organisations involving all the significant strata of the nation’s religious hierarchy. We must not regard these dialogues as mere academic exercises. We must endeavour to carry the message of tolerance and mutual understanding, which these dialogues teach, to our mosques and churches.
The third challenge is the exercise of restraint on the part of politicians especially in the course of their campaigns and political mobilisation. The message here is that one can ride to political victory by fanning the embers of religious and ethnic hatred and animosity but stand a good chance of being consumed by the resulting inferno.
Severe sanctions should also be imposed on politicians who promote religious intolerance both by the political parties and the Independent National Electoral Commission [INEC]. It is also essential for elected officials to remain fair and equitable in the system of governance and in safeguarding the welfare of the community.
Many of the grievances which contribute to communal and religious conflict are those related to equity and fairness and, indeed, the inability or outright refusal of local officialdom to promote them.
The fourth challenge is the fight against poverty and want, especially in the Northern states, to enable the residents of these states, Muslim and Christian, live decent and productive lives.
The nine states in Nigeria with the highest incidence of poverty, according to the Central Bank of Nigeria are northern states. Jigawa State has the highest with 95%, followed by Kebbi (89.7%), Kogi (88.6%), Bauchi (86.3%), Kwara (85.2%), Yobe (83.3%), Zamfara (80.9%) and Sokoto (76.8%).
It is therefore not surprising that while the incidence of poverty stood at 54% nationally, the North-East zone recorded 72.2percent, followed by the North-West with 71.1percent and North Central with 67percent.
The other more disturbing phenomenon is the army of unemployed youth in our urban centres. With the systematic erosion of the industrial infrastructure of many of these cities, the problem may get worse unless urgent action is taken to overcome the challenge.
It is, therefore, important for government employment agencies such as the National Directorate of Employment (NDE) to be adequately funded to engage these youth; while subsidized loans should also be provided for them to go into farming as well as to set up small-scale industries.
The involvement of non-governmental organizations as well as Nigeria’s international developmental partners, in the campaign for job creation and poverty alleviation, will go a long way in ameliorating these problems.
The fifth challenge is the effective management of religious disputes and conflicts by the security agencies. Many of the major crises had humble beginnings, usually as minor disputes between individuals or communities, which were badly managed.
It is also important for security agencies to maintain their professionalism and neutrality in handling all aspects of religious conflicts and establish proper liaison with traditional authorities as well as religious leaders and scholars. It is also imperative for security agencies to monitor the activities of extremist religious organizations without antagonizing genuine ones.
The need for capacity building which will further sensitize and provide the requisite skills to the relevant security agencies to better manage this category of conflicts should also receive the urgent attention it deserves.
The sixth challenge is managing the fall-out of international crises, the religious implications of which the local environment is quite sensitive to.
The Danish cartoon saga was one of them. While it is essential for Nigerians to imbibe the culture of peaceful demonstrations, and some progress is being made in this direction, it is also important for international organisations to open an active dialogue on religious rights and freedoms and on what constitutes proper behaviour in a globalized, multi-cultural and religiously sensitive world.
The call for restraint and sensitivity becomes all the more critical especially in the artistic field, where the supposed victim has no right of reply. Moderation and toleration do not presuppose the absence of rights and freedoms. They pre-suppose individuals who possess unfettered rights and freedoms as well as the ability to use them but who choose to exercise them responsibly to avoid hurting the rights and sensibilities of others.
Institutional Framework
One of the key institutions in Nigeria that had played a pivotal role in peace-building and conflict resolution and still contributes quite considerably, especially in the northern states, to the sustenance of religious harmony, is that of Emirs and Chiefs.
With centuries of experience at its disposal, the traditional institution not only managed the emirates but regulated the relationship between the emirates and other communities and provided the enabling environment, up to 1976, for the emergence of highly complex and cosmopolitan communities in the Northern states.
The Emirs and Chiefs had been able to record these achievements through a variety of institutional mechanisms that had survived up to this day
At the institutional level, mention must also be made of the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council [NIREC] which, since the beginning of the religious conflicts in 2000, had played a tremendous role in peace building at the federal level.
Formed by equal representation from Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs [NSCIA] and Christian Association of Nigeria [CAN], it provides a veritable forum for Muslim and Christian leaders to interact, exchange ideas and work collectively to resolve problems between the adherents of the two major religions.
As the President-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs [NSCIA], I serve as a Co-Chairman of the Council while the President of the Christian Association of Nigeria [CAN] serves as the other Co-Chairman. The Council is planning to roll out its programme of activities next year, with state offices, enlightenment campaigns and inter-faith dialogues.
I am optimistic that it will contribute positively towards the attainment of peace and religious harmony in Nigeria. I am also confident that our friends and well-wishers, both within and outside Nigeria, will join us in this noble undertaking.
Finally, I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to assure you all of the determination of the religious leadership in Nigeria to make Muslim-Christian conflicts a thing of the past.
There are of course great challenges ahead but there is also hope; the hope of greater understanding and co-operation, and the promise of establishing a healthy foundation for Muslim-Christian relations in Nigeria. There could be no better demonstration of Nigeria’s resolve to institutionalize tolerance and harmonious co-existence than this noble gesture.
*Being a speech delivered by His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, Sultan of Sokoto, at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), Washington DC, on 13 November, 2007.
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